A Note to the Reader: An amendment has been added to this post March 30, 2017. The amendment is intended to correct erroneous and over-reaching statements made in the original post.
An Overview of Tin
Tin is a soft, malleable metal (Sn, atomic mass number 50) with numerous uses in the modern world. Tin is a naturally occurring mineral throughout the globe, with a primary concentration in the “Tin Belt”, stretching north from Indonesia into China (Schwartz, 1995). Major tin deposits are also located in the Andes of Bolivia and Peru, and the rainforests of Central Africa.
Tin has two primary uses; it is used as a coating to prevent corrosion and is combined with copper to produce bronze alloy. Consumption is most prevalent in tin cans, which use tin to protectively coat the steel or aluminium which provide structure (RSC, 2016). Bronze was essential in progressing the development of human civilization as a durable compound used in agriculture and industry. Modern day bronze is composed of 12% tin (USGS, 2016). The use of tin in bronze makes the primarily copper compound more resistant to corrosion. Bronze is heavily used in the construction industry as piping, furniture, and trim among other uses.
According to the figure, the largest producer of tin is China followed by Indonesia (mailto:[email protected] 2017). The Asian region, which includes Indonesia, China, and Malaysia, has a combined total production of approximately 68% of global produce and, therefore, constitutes the majority of global tin production(mailto:[email protected] 2017).Followed by Asian producers of tin, are South American producers, which include, Peru, Bolivia, and Brazil; the conglomeration of these countries produce 25% of global tin (mailto:[email protected] 2017). The last producer of tin, as ordered by the percent global total produced, is Australia. (mailto:[email protected] 2017).
Potential Environmental Impacts
Organic tin components biodegrade over an extended period in the soil structure. If there is a high concentration of tin in the soil, microorganisms take a significantly longer to break down organic tin compounds (“Tin (Sn) – Chemical Properties, Health And Environmental Effects” 2017). The issues that pertain to increased tin concentration in natural sediment stem from tin leaching into river systems. Surface runoff causes damage to aquatic ecosystems depending on how much tin compound escapes into natural water systems. (“Tin (Sn) – Chemical Properties, Health And Environmental Effects” 2017).
Tin is incredibly toxic to fungi, algae, and phytoplankton. (“Tin (Sn) – Chemical Properties, Health And Environmental Effects” 2017). In the case of phytoplankton, the effects can be especially disastrous for the aquatic environment considering that phytoplankton provides oxygen to water organisms, and without this natural producer of oxygen for water species, would spell the end of life in water-based habitats. Furthermore, phytoplankton acts as an essential nutrient in aquatic ecosystems; and, without sufficient food to feed the animals toward the bottom of the food chain, the natural food chain would collapse segment by segment (“Tin (Sn) – Chemical Properties, Health And Environmental Effects” 2017).
Northern Kivu, Democratic Republic of the Congo (Kinshasa)
The entirety of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Kinshasa is an essentially collapsed state (The Economist 2015). In the Northern Kivu region of the Eastern Congo, there is a mining region known as Bisie. Companies are attracted to Bisie for the massive profits of material riches, and this promise of wealth attracts a mining community of families, merchants, and soldiers.
“I saw mining as the only way to make a living on my own.” (Laurent 2008)
Miners are chess pieces in the act of harvesting tin. One miner, from a non-disclosed mining firm in Bisie, described his years in labor in an anonymous tell-all interview in 2008. Laurent (whose name was changed to protect his identity) asked that the interview is kept anonymous. The community in Bisie was depicted as close-knit and trustworthy amongst the miners. Laurent recalls, “we have a sense of family among the workers, and there is no stealing of each other’s earnings, ” (Laurent 2008). Miners use a currency which they call “legos” (Laurent 2008) as a substitute for cash, however, miners will never be able to keep much of the legos they earn because of high set costs of food and living. Corruption occurs at the hand of soldiers, who are, Laurent, says, “[there] to protect us” but ironically, “they sometimes treat us very badly.” In Bisie, the distribution of power to soldiers is corrupt (Laurent explains how the “military tax on our minerals…[is] very large: they confiscate several days’ production at a time.”), and women are treated very poorly. Laurent is thankful for his wife but constantly fears for her safety.(Laurent 2008). In addition to community dynamics, living conditions in Bisie are less than adequate. Laurent and his wife would consider themselves fortunate. However, his living situation is “a shelter that I have made myself from plastic sheets, rope and collected wood. We get by.” (Laurent 2008)
Beyond the conditions in the community, conditions in the workplace are even more treacherous. Below are a few images taken from Emmanuel Reudenthal’s article for IRIN News “Who pays the hidden price for Congo’s conflict-free minerals?”. It is easy to see in these photographs why Laurent describes his job in the mines in this way:
“The work I do is very hard. The tunnels are dirty, which was difficult to get used to at first. It is so hot underground that we are always sweating – the walls are wet with it, the air is thick, and it smells awful. We use hammers, chisels and torches to find the minerals we are looking for, and this is tough work physically.” But at least we can talk to each other; I think talking as we work is the only thing that keeps us sane.” (Laurent 2008)
The miners who work in these conditions remain in the mines for up to three days at a time, where they eat, sleep and, to put it kindly, “relieve themselves” (Laurent 2008) on the walls of the mine shaft.
Tin mining in the Eastern Congo shows substantial impacts on forest and river ecosystems. Mineral production requires drilling in open locations, which subsequently requires deforestation (as pictured below in a photograph from The Economist). The effects of deforestation in this particular region are difficult to quantify, as limited access for researchers prevents data collection. However, following suit of other locations of deforestation, habitat destruction leads to drastic reductions in biodiversity. Additional habitat destruction occurs when irresponsible artisanal mining practices cause erosion into lakes and streams, leading to heavy silting which is detrimental to fish and other aquatic populations (Wikipedia 2016).
The mineral trade in the Congo has been the root of many social issues and finances groups which perpetuate civil unrest in the area. Tin mines, like that of Alphamin in Bisie, are notoriously productive, but equally, so they are responsible for the low quality of life in the region. The economy of the Eastern Congo is controlled by companies and armed militias whose power stems from dominating the local mineral trade. In Bisie, although armed militias and local companies are involved in the tin harvest, the trade of minerals will soon be largely dominated by Alphamin, a mining company, who, as of 2015, has begun construction on the “riskiest and richest” tin mine in the world (The Economist 2015). The mine is “risky” due to inherent instability of government (which leads to civil unrest in the area), and “rich” because Alphamin projects that the new mine will produce 3.25 tonnes of tin for every 100 tonnes of ore extracted, where most competing mines would settle at 0.7 tonnes per 100 extracted. (The Economist 2015).
Potosi, Bolivia
The city of Potosi is located high in the Andes of Southern Bolivia right under the nearly 16,000 peak of Cerro Rico (UNESCO, 2017). The area has been entirely dependent on mineral extraction for more than 500 years since the city was founded as mining town of the Spanish empire. The incredible wealth of the Cerro Rico silver and tin mines funded the Spanish empire, and European colonization of the New World yet established a fiercely hierarchical society based on labor exploitation. Today the district of Potosi is one of Bolivia’s poorest, even though there is such immense mineral wealth in the area. It has been declared a UNESCO world heritage site because of its significant historical and cultural impact, but intense mining still continues today
Although historically known as a silver mine, the mines of Potosi primarily export tin today (Wacaster, 2016). Once the high silver concentrations of the periphery were depleted in the late 1800’s, primary extraction shifted to the harder to access tin deposits found closer to the core of the mountain. The mines of Potosi heavily contribute to Bolivia’s annual tin production, which accounted for 8% of global tin production in 2013 (Wacaster, 2016). The shift to tin extraction reduced the profitability of the mountain but maintained the dependence of the local community on the mines of Cerro Rico.
Mineworkers and the community which support them are stuck in a complex state of dependence with Cerro Rico. There simply aren’t any viable alternatives in the stark landscape of the Bolivian altiplano.
“We continue working … we are not leaving.”
– Santiago Cruz Palomino, Vice President of Potosi’s Miners Cooperative (Shahriari, 2014).
The surrounding countryside has been stripped of vegetation continuously for the past 500 years making the traditional subsistence way of living difficult. The push to preserve the mountain and shut down the mines still running today has been met with significant pressure. Although the mines continue a practice of forced labour and low wages, they provide a relatively high wage to people that couldn’t find work otherwise. Shutting down the mines to prevent the collapse of the peak would strip this community of its primary industry to preserve cultural heritage.
Cerro Rico has left a large shadow on the culture of Potosi. The many miners that have died in its mines have lent it the name the Mountain that Eats Men (Shahriari, 2014). Centuries of working in the mines have led to the creation of its unique religion. Miners and their families pay homage to El Tio, the satanic representation of justice in the mines (Moh, 2014). The Cerro Rico has dominated economic social and cultural life of the surrounding community for the last several centuries. Today there is significant pressure to undergo a 2.4 million dollar plan to fill in the receding cone of the mountain (UNESCO, 2017). These recent pushes to halt the mining operations and preserve the mountain as a cultural landmark have been met with significant opposition. Centuries of mining have left a complex interdependence between Potosi and the Mountain that Eats Men.
Tanintharyi Region, Myanmar
Myanmar has recently been dubbed the “Black Swan” of global tin mining (Sykes, 2015). Due to political instability all the way from its independence in 1948, Myanmar has been unable to compete in the global tin mining industry. After the British freed the Burmese people, they placed a Bamar man in the highest position of power to rule over all the land that the British had held (Aung-Thwin et. al., 2016). This created enormous conflict, as only 62% of Burma’s population at the time was of the Bamar ethnicity. In the following years, minorities faced enormous discrimination and lack of representation in the new government (Aung-Thwin et. al., 2016). With dozens of coups and power changes, there was not enough stability to build up any industries. Recently, however, Myanmar has seen a 4900% increase in tin production since 2009, making it the third largest tin producer in the world (Gardiner et al., 2017). However, these figures come at a great cost to the native people and their land. In 2012, the people of the Myaung Pyo village filed a lawsuit against the mine, demanding compensation for the damages done by the project. For over 10 years, these villagers (and the villagers of 10 more villages further from the mine) have dealt with polluted water and the destruction of 11 lawfully owned plantations (Karen News, 2012).
“The mine’s negligent environmental management has wreaked havoc on our land, health and livelihoods. The fresh waterway has been poisoned with dangerous levels of lead and arsenic, and crops have been destroyed by sediment from the mine,” villagers said in Rangoon. (The Irrawaddy, 2016)
Many people looking from the outside of an environmental issue would want to project their views on the native people living in such conditions. In most cases this approach would be inaccurate, as not every culture is concerned with environmental damage, but when looking at tin mining in the Heinda mine, this approach would not be too far off. The country of Myanmar is composed of 14 states and about 5 developed cities. After interviewing Khin Wai Phyo Han, a Burmese citizen, she expressed that education is the key to caring about environmental destruction. She believes that the reason most people in her country don’t care about their nature is because they don’t understand the impacts they make on their ecosystem and how lasting these effects can be (Interview with Khin Wai Phyo Han, 02/26/2017, Lewis & Clark College). The Heinda mine is located on the “tail” of Burma – an area that is underdeveloped relative to the core of the country. In underdeveloped areas such as this there are not enough teachers to give proper educations to the villagers. In lieu of this, monks act as the main educators, as Myanmar is 90% buddhist (EveryCulture, 2017). This gives way to a culture of people with very limited global knowledge but very strict moral understandings (Interview with Khin Wai Phyo Han, 02/26/2017, Lewis & Clark College). The people of Myanmar respect their environment and do not usually agree with its destruction, but the past governments have focused on nothing more than having enough money to develop faster (Interview with Khin Wai Phyo Han, 02/26/2017, Lewis & Clark College)
Sangai Lembing, Malaysia
The Sungai Lembing Mines are currently a tourist destination following the closure of the mines in the 1980s. The mines were conserved as part of a project to preserve the historical mining culture that persisted in Malaysia since the beginning of the 20th century. (Encyclopedia Britannica, 2017). Malaysia itself boasts a remarkable mining heritage dating back to the discovery of the current Malaysian capital of Kuala Lumpur in 1856 by Yap Ah Loy. Loy discovered Kuala Lumpur while trying to unearth a new and profitable mining region in the area and has become immortalised as the founder of Kuala Lumpur and the forefather of succeeding tin mining endeavours throughout the country. (“Yap Ah Loy | Malaysian Leader” 2017). Malaysia itself is classified as a middle-income country and is hoping to achieve high-income status in the year 2020. (Central Intelligence Agency, 2017). It has an ethnically diverse population comprising of Malaysian Indians, the Malaysian Chinese, and the Malaya biasa, also known as the Malaysian who has heritage tracing back many generations from the descendants of ancient Australoid-Melanesian settlers of Southeast Asia. (Wikipedia, 2017). Pahang, the state in which the Sungai Lembing Mines are located, is a densely jungled region and the biggest state in the mainland peninsular. The Sungai Lembing Mines are located near Kuantan, the state capital of Pahang, and is named after the river it resides next to, Sungai Lembing, which directly translates in English to Spear River. (Wikipedia, 2017). The Mines itself has “shafts, and subterranean tunnels reaching depths of between 450 meters to 650 meters, reputedly the deepest in South East Asia.” (Pahangtourism, 2017) Sungai Lembing was abandoned when the price of tin fell sharply during the late sixties, and as a result, most of the townspeople left in search of better prospects. (“Sungai Lembing” 2017). The Malaysian Museum Authority built the museum as a celebration of the mining heritage of the region, and the area has been revitalised to facilitate growing tourist interests. (Virtual Tourist, 2017)
Tin mining in Sungai Lembing for about a century has caused the tin exploration effort into the mining shafts to descend to depths of up to 450 meters to 650 meters, which made it the deepest in South East Asia. The tin mineral improved the lives of many men and women living in the Sungai Lembing area, which, therefore developed the region into a boom town after they discovered that the land was significantly rich in subterranean tin deposits. The workers used to earn $40-44 a day, working six-hour shifts. (Journeymalaysia, 2017). They were forced to cram into a small open lift that descended deep into the heart of the mines and to their workstations. The conditions down in the mines were dark and damp, with some miners claiming they suffered from claustrophobia. (Journeymalaysia 2017). In the early days of mining in Sungai Lembing, the workers used dynamite to crack open mines. Currently, the mines are a major tourist attraction in Pahang and attract thousands of visitors annually, as well as locals looking to be educated in the mining heritage of both the region and the country.
As a consequence of these mining practices; however, the natural environment surrounding the tin mining facilities in Sungai Lembing were altered significantly by displaced land and surface runoff of mineral tin into water systems. (Yaacob 2017). The waste results include roaster piles, tailings ponds, waste rock piles and acid mine drainage. (Yaacob 2017). Furthermore, the waste accumulated in tailing ponds has contaminated groundwater, which discharges to a nearby stream, disturbing the aquatic ecosystems of the rivers and stream surrounding the mines. (Yaacob 2017). Testing of the water in streams in and near the Sungai Lembing River has revealed that main concentrations of concern are arsenic, iron, copper, lead, manganese, nickel, and zinc that exceed water quality criteria in the stream. (Yaacob 2017).
Conclusions
From cell phone parts to toy soldiers and soup cans, from bread boxes to hanging signs – there have been shocking amounts of tin products surrounding first-world life for centuries. The tin can revolutionized daily life back when it was invented in the 18th century. Wars could be fought without worrying about the rations spoiling, lower class families could suddenly afford nutritious canned meals, and housewives did not have to make time-consuming fresh meals every day (Muston, 2010). Tin undoubtedly changed life as we know it for the better, but at what cost?
By analyzing specific sites of production from the Andes of Bolivia, to the rainforests of the Congo, to the watersheds of Myanmar and Malaysia, we were able to interpret the effects of tin mining on environments worldwide. Everywhere we looked, we saw similar stories of complicated interactions between impoverished communities and dangerous tin mining work. In Bolivia, efforts to close tin mines are being met with significant opposition by the very people whose lives are put at risk within them. In Myanmar, villagers are fighting for fair compensation for the plantation land they’ve lost and the water they cannot drink. In the Congo, workers have little influence on their pay and living/working conditions, due to monopolization of the tin market by western companies and armed militias.In Malaysia, the environmental effects of mineral leaching into the nearby hydro scapes in the Sungai Lembing basin has caused significant damage to the aquatic systems in the local region. However, Malaysia has recently promoted healthy environmental practices, and future mining operations, as a consequence, need to be validated and observed by government regulatory bodies such as the Ministry of Natural Resources and Environment (NRE). (“GUIDELINES TO DOING MINING BUSINESS IN MALAYSIA – Malaysian Minerals” 2017). It is apparent, throughout all the sites of production which we examined, that inhumane treatment of local communities and mining employees is intrinsic to the tin market.
The extraction of tin comes from the ore cassiterite which is taken from the earth using blasting/drilling and bucket-line dredging in water (Australia Geoscience, 2008). Everywhere we looked we saw substantial environmental destruction in the areas of tin mining. In the Congo, heavy silting for tin mining has massive effects on ecosystems downstream. The Cerro Negro peak in the Bolivian Andes is at risk of completely caving in and causing dangerous landslides. In the tin belt stretching across Malaysia and Myanmar, tin mines are kept running by intensive logging of fragile rainforest ecosystems.
On top of this highly invasive and destructive mode of extraction, the places that have the most tin to mine are also either third-world or underdeveloped areas of first-world countries. The people most affected by the production of tin are the same ones that see few of the benefits. Workers are mistreated, underpaid, and forced to work in extremely dangerous mining environments. The massive environmental effects of intensive tin mining operations are felt first hand by these same communities that surround the sites of production. All of these complicated environmental and social relationships contribute to providing us with the tin we use in our everyday lives. Our consumption habits are feeding the mountain that eats men.
Amendments (03/30/17)
We, as a group, have identified certain amendments we would have liked to have made to our ‘Situating Minerals’ assignment after looking at it in retrospect. The first issue we have identified concerns the ‘Potential Environmental Impacts’ heading of the task. After reading this section of the assignment, we have determined that we had described the potentially hazardous effects of organic tin compounds in water with an exaggerated tone. For example, it is said in the assignment that as a consequence of organic tin being leaked into a water system, that it would cause “the end of life water-based habitats.” In a WHO study on the health effects of tin, it concluded that “The low toxicity of tin and inorganic tin compounds is largely the result of its low absorption, low tissue accumulation and rapid excretion, primarily in the faeces,” (WHO 2004) which suggests that it is not as destructive as was discussed in the assignment. Nonetheless, we do note that a prolonged consumption of tin can result in significant, health-related issues in animals, as well as humans. However, this still does not suggest that entire habitats, and hydroscapes, will be damaged irreversibly after being exposed to tin compounds. Our amendment would include better research of the effects of tin compounds in hydroscapes and using language and reasoning much less dramatic than was in the assignment.
A recurring issue in our case studies investigating tin was that we used our judgment as opposed to local opinion in analyzing place. For example, in the case study investigating Northern Kivu, Democratic Republic of Congo, we included pieces of description that were evaluative instead of descriptive. This was evident in phrases such as “conditions in the workplace are even more treacherous,” and “Additional habitat destruction occurs when irresponsible artisanal mining practices cause erosion.” Words like “treacherous” and “irresponsible” imply judgement, which came from our interpretation of first-hand accounts. Of course, this case study is accurate in pointing out the negative aspects of tin mining. However, in our post, it would have been more representative of ‘place’ to include fewer local accounts and more objective observations.
We would like to point out that after reading about the state of the places we have studied, we have recognized that many of them are indeed suffering from terrible working standards and poor environmental regulations. We appreciate that it would be extremely difficult to craft a well-informed judgement on a place that we do not live in without conducting extensive research on our locations. By focusing on describing and explaining, we will be able to distance ourselves from opinionated statements discussing our locations.
Project authored by Julia Somers, Holden Jones, Amy Trivelpiece, and Arran Hashim
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