Karen J. Gibson’s article “Bleeding Albina: A History of Community Disinvestment, 1940-2000” examines process of segregation, disinvestment, reinvestment, and gentrification in the Albina neighborhood in Northeast Portland. Gibson argues that this process, from beginning to end, is not caused by “natural forces,” but by people who made conscious choices; “The emergence of the black ghetto did not happen as a chance by-product of other socioeconomic processes. Rather, white Americans made a series of deliberate decisions to deny blacks access to urban housing markets and to reinforce spatial segregation” (Gibson, 4). Gibson explains how the “racist real estate ideology”—the idea that the black presence in a neighborhood will automatically reduce everyone’s property values—was the foundation for systematic segregation and disinvestment in Portland (and around the United States). Redlining and restricted covenants were two key elements that limited where black Portlanders were able to live. Look to appendix image B see a map of Portland’s historical redline. Not only did it spatially limit minority Portlanders, it also limited their ability to own homes. Ultimately this contributed to slumming the neighborhood; absentee ownership and predatory lending (two direct results of denying conventional mortgage loans) worsened housing conditions and thus property values in the area. These low property values and their direct and indirect causes, Gibson argues, is one of the primary causes for gentrification. Low property values create a “rent gap” that make it profitable to renovate old houses and introduce new businesses. This characterizes the reinvestment and gentrification stages in the Albina district. Gibson argues, “Gentrification involves re-investment in housing and commercial buildings, as well as infrastructural amenities…it is not just a cultural or social phenomenon reflecting a lifestyle trend—it reflects systematic reinvestment by financial institutions and the public sector.” (Gibson, 6) Gibson’s argument, though it does not specifically mention restaurants, indicates that the relationship between restaurants and gentrification is present, though not as significant as the relationship between gentrification and the real estate industry.
Gina Clemmer’s spatial analysis article “Quantitative And Spatial Analysis Techniques for Analyzing Gentrification Patterns 2000” of Portland’s gentrification patterns touches on some of the core visual components utilized in our research project. Clemmer suggests that spatial analysis of gentrified or gentrifying areas provides a good objective stepping-stone when seeking to understand gentrification externalities. Through the implementation of quantitative and spatial analysis, Clemmer concludes that perhaps the two most important components for successful gentrification are rapidity and extremity within neighborhoods. Commercial spaces tend to harness these characteristics of “successful” gentrification as a means of quickly establishing social gathering places which instil new civic pride and ultimately contribute to the growth of the gentrifying area. This rapid commercial development encourages economic spending to be focused on new businesses. In examining gentrified areas in North Portland during our field investigation, we observed a similar trend that the commercial spaces have been established within the past five years. Clemmer’s argument that gentrified areas come into existence through rapid action and development is consistent with our field research in Albina.
Louisa Jenkins Brown conducted an immense amount of research to explore community developments and changes in North Portland, articulated in her report, “The dynamics of change among community development corporations in Inner North/ Northeast Portland, 1987-2006.” She specifically looks at five community development corporations (CDCs) that emerged in North Portland in the 1980’s, and how only two remain today. She explains that “Later developments were private and catered to higher income groups: the renovation of the abandoned Kennedy School on NE 33rd in 1997 into a brew pub and hotel, the relocation of the Rebuilding Center to N. Mississippi Avenue in 2000, and the opening of a high end grocery store in the abandoned Sentry Market location on NE 33rd in 2001. Each of these developments served a new population and both signified neighborhood transformation and contributed to its further gentrifying by attracting people who would not otherwise have moved to the neighborhoods” (274-75). According to Brown, gentrification brings in a new population and food businesses, which contribute to keeping the area stratified. Brown uses N. Mississippi street in Portland as an example of where food and coffee shops were a space of social segregation between blacks and whites because blacks did not feel welcome in white peoples’ “hang out” spots. Our research looks further into this stratification, by examining the cultural identities embedded in the restaurants entering gentrified areas.
Adam Eckerd’s study, “Cleaning Up Without Clearing Out? A Spatial Assessment of Environmental Gentrification” tests the “environmental gentrification” hypothesis that predicts that “environmental quality improvements in poor communities may spur gentrification and the displacement of residents.” By looking at hazardous site cleanups and gentrification in Portland during the 90’s, Eckerd found no relationship between environmental improvement and gentrification, and suggests that improving environmental conditions can be improved equitably and with social justice. Because the impact of the environmental movement was studied through the lens of a very concrete practice (hazardous site cleanups), “environmentalism” as a trend in businesses isn’t considered in conjunction with gentrification. More expensive shops opening up tailoring to more “sustainable” or “green” living is piece of the environmental movement that should be explored further. In the food industry, health food stores and restaurants providing fresh produce, local, organic, fair-trade etc. are generally more expensive, seem to share a noticeable cultural aesthetic catered to niche class of consumers, and are an area of interest in assessing gentrification.
Daniel Sullivan and Samuel Shaws’ article “Retail Gentrification and Race: The Case of Alberta Street in Portland” situates itself around retail gentrification within the context of Alberta Street in Portland, OR. Retail gentrification culturally constructs social spaces through the provision of goods and social services based on ideas of desire. This introduction of new goods and services deliberately caters to the “creative class,” (an illustrative term for incoming White populations in place of long-term Black residents) through the implementation of culturally attractive symbols that deliberately favor higher economic populations. Therefore, the authors argue that streets and neighborhoods such as Alberta exemplify gentrified spaces through the making of attractive social spaces. This article provides context with regards to Portland’s rising trendy restaurant industry in gentrified areas, suggesting that these retail spaces promote cultural aesthetics deliberately catering to the “creative class,” further encouraging the development of these gentrified spaces.