The Puelo project, a Mediterráneo S.A. development,[1] was approved by the Chilean government in November 2015. This 210 MW run-of-river hydropower project would extract the majority of the Manso River’s waters at the confluence of the Torrentoso River before re-entering the Puelo Basin. Like the Bío Bío damming, HidroAsyén and Futaleufú proposals, and others, this decision has sparked resistance emulating from local grassroots movements, Mapuche communities, the outdoor industry, NGOs, Chilean entertainment personalities, and other stakeholders. The Puelo project emphasizes the continuation of core issues within the Water Code and environmental legislation, while allegations rise regarding Chilean political allegiances to project financers. The Puelo situation, as it is so recent, is an opportunity to not only determine what type of strategies currently can build enough traction to push a project towards rejection, but also to speculate what factors influence the level of international attention.
Legally, actual construction of the project has faced difficulties on at least two fronts. Beyond the twenty-seven filed and then rejected claims, Mapuche communities have opposed the project based on violations of indigenous rights depicted in Chilean law, specifically the application of the ILO Convention 169.[2] Additionally, when an ecologically destructive road was discovered along the Manso River, more opposition was solidified. Fierro explains that “Mediterráneo created a road directly to the point to get the water…and destroyed this big area with no permission, no license, no nothing, totally hiding, and the excuse of Mediterráneo is “it’s not my property, the property is the other guy it’s not my property,” but who is this guy? – the owner of Mediterráneo.” This road’s discovery and publicity has slowed the project’s momentum. Generalizing from this example, Fierro adds that corporations operating in Chile often fragment their activities by using other companies and different names to avoid associations. One such association, among others, is Ricardo Bachelet Artigues, a partner in the development and also the current president’s cousin (Fierro 2014).
Beyond the resistance movement’s legal strategies, which have gained traction despite lack of funding, I find the following dynamics to be the most prudent in analyzing the Puelo resistance movement. The Puelo River Basin is also in northern Patagonia, but unlike Futaleufú, which established a hydropower knowledge base in the 90s, has been relatively recently introduced to conservation dynamics. While tourism has grown in the Puelo basin, Mediterráneo’s momentum stimulated an increase in its promotion, specifically outdoor industry development. Furthermore, as the Puelo is located near the southern end of SIC, relative to other major rivers further south, the energy transportation infrastructure is more feasible both physically and financially. However, opposition demonstrations such as the one in March 2014, that was lead by Mujeres Sin Fronteras (Women Without Boarders),[3] have been highly publicized. This march consisted of protestors on horseback, riding north from the Puelo Basin towards Puerto Montt. The attention resistance strategies have brought to the Puelo development, however, may be significantly aided due to its northern Patagonia location. This publicity combined with current legal strategies could generate a significant increase in the project’s timeline, and budget. While opposition strategies have generated impact, the project maintains powerful benefactors. Fierro emphasizes, for example, Endesa’s plan to utilize their non-consumptive water rights of the Puelo River if Mediterráneo’s Manso River development is successful. The approved Puelo project is ultimately another example of the relationships between Chilean political and private motivations, hindering environmental legislation and water management equitable improvement.
[1] For Mediterráneo’s official Central de Pasada platform, please reference (Mediterráneo 2016).
[2] For a comprehensive depiction of the Mapuche presence in Chile, their legal rights and dynamics involving the ILO Convention 169, refer to (Culliney 2013).
[3] Mujeres Sin Fronteras is a Chilean environmental organization. For more information, pictures, and videos of the group’s march, please reference (The Clinic 2014).